Happiness & Public Policy

The Quest for a Scientific Politics of Well-Being

Balko on Happiness

In what I believe is the first post to link to this here Happy and Public Policy blog, my Cato colleague Radley Balko gives his take on happiness:

There’s a bias against contentment in our wiring. In hunter-gatherer society — where much of our psychology was developed — contentment meant complacency, which likely meant starvation. Ambition, angst, and worry compelled us to seek more — more status, more food, more mates, more “stuff.” And so those of our ancestors who lacked contentment probably did better at getting those things, and therefore at living longer and reproducing, than those who didn’t. Meaning they passed ambition, angst, worry and other traits at odds with happiness through our ancestry to us.

Which means, I think, that in virtually any setting, we’re (a) fighting against a natural predisposition toward unhappiness, and (b) we’re likely to measure our own success by those who live around us, our peers, and not on what took place before we were born.

I think there’s a lot to be said for this view. Radley worries that self-reports are likely to be fairly useless due to the tendency of happiness to recur to a fairly stable baseline, such that objective improvements in the conditions of one’s life are unlikely to show up in self-assessments. Again, I largely agree. Yet I don’t think that the fact that the wealthiest, most free societies score highest in average self-reported happiness is an accident either. The surveys don’t tell us nothing. There are institutional settings in which the baseline seems to shift up and stay up. That’s worth pointing out.

I also agree with Radley that much of the policy-relevant happiness work seems to be motivated by an anti-market mindset. However, the striking thing about the data, as unreliable as they may be, is they reveals that liberal market societies are good for whatever it is “happiness” surveys are actually tracking. I think it’s important to understand what this data does and doesn’t tell us about human well-being. And It tells us less than a lot of people think, partly for reasons Radley suggests. The truth about someone’s well-being often cannot be revealed simply by asking them. And it’s important to think carefully and systematically about how political institutions and public policy effect human well-being, and to do a better job of understanding the causal mechanisms by which they do so, instead of just piling up mounatains of semi-useful correlations. Therefore, we blog!

3 Comments so far

  1. Salvius October 31st, 2005 1:49 am

    One of my favorite quotes on this theme is by Terry Pratchett, posting on alt.fan.pratchett:

    You can’t make people happy by law. If you said to a bunch of average people two hundred years ago “Would you be happy in a world where medical care is widely available, houses are clean, the world’s music and sights and foods can be brought into your home at small cost, travelling even 100 miles is easy, childbirth is generally not fatal to mother or child, you don’t have to die of dental abcesses and you don’t have to do what the squire tells you” they’d think you were talking about the New Jerusalem and say ‘yes’.

    (quoted in the Pratchett Quote File).

  2. Will Wilkinson October 31st, 2005 9:06 am

    Fantastic quote. Thanks!

  3. Bernard October 31st, 2005 10:51 am

    I’ve always thought that the most effective way to gauge general well-being is not to ask people how happy they are (for the very reasons you and Radley have explained), but to survey the problems which make them unhappy. I’ve always been amused by the extent to which problems which wouldn’t even appear on the radar for the average north korean peasant (crooked teeth, the environment, the plight of people far away) can be of such distress to the average westerner that they allocate resources toward fixing it. Irrespective of whether one person in my example is happier than the other, it’s beyond reasonable doubt that the North Korean peasant would jump at the time, security and resources to worry about more distal problems than famine and death.

    That being the case, it’s hard to see that there’s any merit to the ‘happiness’ argument against liberal economic and political systems.

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